We are getting into the realm of situations and relationships that we should start using some power diagrams to express. We are now talking about the second electoral term involving Andrej Babiš. Formally, his government is in power here, and it is attempting its own takeover of the state, as we wrote about above. However, Babiš himself is increasingly dependent on the benevolence of Miloš Zeman. Without his support, his government would probably end . Zeman himself, however, is clearly fulfilling the wishes of Chinese and Russian officials. Zeman, in turn, respects these interests, because the oligarchs (see the purchase of real estate from Marek Dospiva or the growth of Petr Kellner’s debt empire in both countries) and the immediate associates of the castle lord are gaining all sorts of benefits from this. But the list of dependencies and interconnections does not end there. In addition to the relationships described above, there are other coalition or government-supporting entities. The Social Democrats, of course, are increasingly playing the same collaborationist tune as Miloš Zeman, and the Communists are cheering them on.
Let’s demonstrate this with two examples from the period of Andrej Babiš’s government. A virus pandemic from China has broken out. According to information from intelligence services, Chinese companies were buying up medical supplies such as drapes at the time. When everything that could be exported is gone, the state bans exports. Then a full-scale pandemic breaks out and the Czech Republic is short of these supplies. How would the pro-Chinese machine take advantage of this? It will call the comrades from China, who have recently deprived us of these medical supplies, to supply us with them. He is greeted at the airport by Jan Hamáček, President of the Social Democratic Party, wearing a red sweater and saying that we owe them a debt of gratitude for saving many lives. Subsequently, this material is distributed with propaganda leaflets about the Czech-Chinese friendship that will last for ages.
A couple of months later, what the vast majority thought anyway, that the munitions in Vrbětice were detonated by Russian intelligence officers, exploded. But what did not immediately follow was a tough response to flush out the entire diplomatic service of these killers. Jan Hamáček comes into the picture again. These days he is having the pro-Western Foreign Minister Petříček dismissed. The vindictive president will be unprecedentedly pleased by this move and will gladly implement the change in a matter of hours. And Hamáček himself, as interim foreign minister, wants to negotiate with Russia. At stake are the fictional meeting between the Russian and American presidents in the Czech Republic, the purchase of a Russian vaccine that the whole world knew was a low-performance and unapproved piece of junk, and the probable cover-up of Russia’s involvement in the terrorist operation. All this with Zeman’s constant digging at the Security Information Service and the continuing economic ties of Zeman’s criminal associates with people from the Russian underworld.
Apart from the two examples described above, when a parasite tried to latch on to the main relations, we can also trace a situation when the main oligarch Babiš tried to make a profit from relations with China.
The Babiš-controlled Agrofert group owed or still owes approximately CZK 1 billion to the Chinese communist-controlled Bank of China. In the past of our politics, as discussed in the previous chapters of this book, it was unthinkable that a politician would owe a hundred thousand times less to a businessman with whom the state might have business dealings. And at the time incriminated we were looking at a situation where the Prime Minister and the companies he held in trust were to pay a billion crowns to the bank of a foreign power. And let’s remember, not just any bank. Recall that this involved a country whose hostile rampage and bribery has been highlighted by the Security Information Service for years. Let us also remember that the public section of the BIS annual report is given to the Prime Minister, supplemented by a series of secret reports which detail the facts. It doesn’t hurt to break this situation down a bit to see what kind of trouble our country is in because of Babis’ other economic relationship.
Agrofert Holding has been in a tricky situation for many years. The company is heavily dependent on subsidies from European funds and public procurement. Its bottom line depends on the interest on the huge loans that Babiš has contracted for his acquisitions in the past. To be specific, in one of the last years, the Agrofert companies reported a profit of CZK 1.7 billion. However, the direct subsidies that dozens of Agrofert companies have been drawing on (whether legitimately or illegitimately) amounted to roughly CZK 2 billion. Without them, the figures would be as red as gym shorts in the aforementioned China. We would like to reiterate that the amendment to the Conflict of Interest Act, effective since the beginning of 2017, prohibited the head of Agrofert/UN from participating in contracts and drawing subsidies. Let us agree that financing such a moloch is a matter of very sensitive discretion. And at this very moment, the communist bankers are coming up with an offer of very favourable rates. Thus the communist strategists have achieved the possibility of manipulating Babiš well. None of the co-authors of this book were present during the secret negotiations, but it can be concluded that they would not have wanted to be, because what we would have seen would have been difficult for our stomach enzymes to digest. Nobody would really want to see the anticipated deals, with the amount of interest on the communist loan on the one hand and the infiltration of Chinese relations in Europe on the other.
